Urdu Sex Story is a platform where our members share their real stories and we publish it on our website for others to read and feel the real environment of the character , that what happend when couple close to each other, and what the feelings of the girl and boy when they touch the private parts of their body, i guess many heat produced when couple touch each other while romantic time or in bed time.
The Urdu writer Saadat Hasan Manto wrote penetrative short stories about India's tragic Partition in 1947, an event defined by mass murder, rape and forced migration. Though Manto was born a Muslim, these stories are distinctly nonpartisan, indicting individuals from all of South Asia's political groups and religious communities, and also British imperialists, whose hasty flight from the subcontinent had cataclysmic consequences. Some of these tales, such as the well-known "Toba Tek Singh", use satire to convey the political absurdity of Partition, which turned friends and neighbours into enemies overnight, whereas stories such as "Cold Meat" tackle the brutality head-on. In this latter tale, which prompted the postcolonial Pakistani government to prosecute Manto for obscenity, a Sikh man returns home after several days of looting and murdering. The sight of his voluptuous wife arouses him, and he tries to make love to her. But he can't get an erection. His sexually frustrated wife grows suspicious that he's been cheating, and stabs him. While the man bleeds to death, he admits to having raped a girl during the chaos, but his confession doesn't end there: it transpires that this beautiful girl was actually a corpse and that the man inadvertently committed an act of necrophilia.
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Though Manto's stark Partition stories are his most celebrated and frequently anthologized, he wrote prolifically and worked in a variety of genres during his short life. Between his birth in undivided India in 1912 and his death in 1955 in Pakistan, he churned out hundreds of short stories, radio plays and screenplays, and translated various European authors, including Victor Hugo, into Urdu. Towards the end of his life, disillusioned with Partition and in and out of a mental asylum for his alcoholism, he wrote a series of "Letters to Uncle Sam", farcical yet astute essays about international politics and post-war neo-imperialism.
Chapter 1, "Anklets on the Pyal: Women Present Women's Stories from South India," written by Leela Prasad, serves at the introduction to the volume. Prasad begins with a Telugu "cradle song" as an illustration of "the remarkable crisscrossing ways in which women in India assimilate 'women's experiences' and arrive at self-understandings that are deeply shared despite their divergences and fluidity" (2). Indeed, this appears to be a key assertion of the volume as a whole, which seeks to delineate a "female-oriented poetic" (2) in South Asian women's storytelling. Prasad indicates that the four essays to follow focus on "women-centered" narratives in the sense laid out by RAMANUJAN (1991), which Prasad describes as those narrated by, shared among, and/or being about women. This reading of Ramanujan is somewhat different than my own. Ramanujan was very careful to distinguish between what he called "women-centered" tales, in which women are the main protagonists and that exhibit a cultural "counter system" ("an alternative set of values and attitudes, theories of action other than the official ones"; RAMANUIAN 1991, 53), and the generically broader set of stories told by women. (It is also possible to isolate "counter-system" elements within single folktales and within particular tellings of stories that are not overall "women-centered" in his sense; DAvis forthcoming). Prasad does, however, indicate that the stories examined in the volume "explore and interrogate" "female roles, and role-playing itself ... as they are enacted, enjoyed, suffered, reversed, or negotiated by characters in the stories or by narrators themselves" (4).
The pre-colonial period in Indian history can be traced back to between 3,000 and 5,000 years, marked by the foundation of such major religions as Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism. Along with the Vedas and the Upanishads, the much cited Kamasutra was an exclusive graphic manual on sexual art, sexual desire and sexual acrobatics. Religion, community, aesthetic practices and culture were remarkably holistic during the period of agrarian economy, and social life was more communitarian than individualistic. The roles of kings, queens, and priests as belonging to the highest section of the elite class blended with the roles of bodyguards, devadasis, courtesans, prostitutes, pimps, and eunuchs in a robust way; democracy was not a known signifier but a communtarian way of life was well established. In ancient India the socio-cultural holistic environment seemed to be tolerant, polygamous, and uninhibited about gendered physiognomy and the exposure of the body either female or male as evidenced from the temple sculptures. Stone sculptures and paintings represented sexual intimacy as a positive way of life, as a creative energy that infused the divine icons, mortals and animals, with creative zest. Visual expressions of erotic desire were not considered morally reprehensible or to be in excess of normative practices and hence these were not considered transgressive. Interestingly, in the Foreword to the riveting book Alternative Sexualities in India , Oscar Pujoi observes: "From Draupadi's polyandry and the Tantric goddesses with a penis to the numerous sexual transformations of the mythological stories, Indian civilization seems to have left a series of chinks through which the light of non-patriarchal sexualities shines" (Ana Garda-Arroyo xi).
The Delhi Rape is the most extensively covered rape case in recentIndian history. This report chronicles a media monitoring exercise of rapereporting before the Delhi incident between January 1, 2012 and August 31,2012. The report also examines the three-month period after the Delhi Rape inan empirical analysis of four leading Indian English language publicationswith a combined circulation of 2,946,340: The Hindu, India Today, the IndianExpress and Tehelka. Rape reporting increased by roughly 30% after the DelhiRape, with the Delhi Rape taking between 10-20% of the share of rape storiesacross varying storylines. Sex crime reporting is best understood byidentifying storylines. Monitoring the Delhi Rape, 5 storylines emerged:personal, public outcry, women's safety, police handling andlegislative. These storylines enabled us to probe the reporting of rape andsexual violence more deeply with respect to the context under which genderjustice was addressed.
Crime reporting is often a response to a trigger event, howeverthis type of reporting largely concerns only the surface facts of theincident, lacking the necessary depth and sophistication to understand thecrime. Indeed, as David Krajicek, an American journalist, notes, "thebulk of crime coverage amounts to drive-by journalism--a ton of anecdote andgraphic detail about individual cases ... but not an ounce of leaveningcontext to help frame and explain the crime" (Khan 89). The same holdstrue for India's leading English language print media, where incidentdriven reporting reigns and thoughtful examinations of incidents are reservedfor exceptional circumstances, concerning particularly brutal stories, suchas the Delhi Rape.
Perhaps more significant than the severity of the incident,however, is the public attention a case attracts. Indeed, in the case ofcrime reporting, the news agenda is highly impacted by the amount of publicattention, both locally and globally, an incident receives. The globalizationof news gave legitimacy to the public reaction to the Delhi bus rape andcreated public space for local debate and activism. Further still, theattention granted by other sources such as newswire, independent journalists,social media, and civil society organizations also brings fresh perspectiveto bear on gender justice. When an incident receives widespread attention, itoften spurs government action (Sen 11). Indeed, after the Delhi Rape, thegovernment introduced significant legislation regarding rape and women'ssafety three months after the incident. To this end, this report works tounderstand both how the press covers stories of rape and also asks whetherthe press provides a corridor to discuss gender justice.
Our study began as an inquiry into the ways in which Indian printmedia reports crimes of gender violence. Sexual violence can be broken downinto four dominant categories: rape/honor killings/domestic violence/humantrafficking. Given the number of news stories to be coded, it became evidentthat the York University/Jamia Millia Islamia shared project did not have theresources to examine all dimensions of sexual violence. As a result, it wasdecided to focus on rape, however, it is important to point out thephenomenon of sexual violence in India today is much larger and more complexthan is covered in our report.
The media monitoring project evaluated Tehelka, India Today, TheHindu, the Indian Express, which are among the most influential journalsaffecting the formation public opinion in news hungry India. Tehelka is anEnglish language weekly known for their investigative journalism with astrong focus on public interest stories. India Today, a fixture of Indianprint & TV media, was established in 1975. The weekly news magazinediscusses news, politics, current affairs, cricket and other sports and isalso published in Hindi, Tamil, Telugu and Malayalam. The Indian Express is apan-North Indian daily newspaper highlighting local and national coveragerelating to Indian society and business. Of the most highly read and regardednewspapers in India, The Hindu, is an independent general newspaper thatstarted out as a weekly in 1878 and became a daily in 1889. Figure 1 detailsthe circulation of the four publications as well as The Times of India andThe Hindustan Times, two other prominent English language dailies.
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